Nov 24 2015

ZOA: U.S. Shouldn’t Admit Syrian Refugees “Because They Hate Jews.”

ZOA Mort Klein, Sheldon and Miriam AdelsonAnnual gala of Zionist Organization of America, featuring Sheldon Adelson, breaks into wild applause over far-right views and the prospect of a Republican president.

Debra Nussbaum Cohen Nov 24, 2015 7:42 PM
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NEW YORK – The United States should not accept any Syrian refugees, Zionist Organization of America president Mort Klein told attendees at a gala banquet here Sunday night, adding that many of them hate Jews and Israel. In addition, he said, parents and siblings of terrorists should be deported unless they publicly condemn, in Hebrew and Arabic, the acts of their family member. Klein was speaking to an audience of more than 1,000 people at the 2015 Justice Louis D. Brandeis Award Dinner, held at Manhattan’s Grand Hyatt hotel.

“Don’t bring these refugees here. Treat as pariahs all those who promote radical Islam. … We must crush radical Islam as we crushed Nazism,” Klein said.

Attendees greeted both of Klein’s proposals with wild applause. It was one of several moments of right-wing ideology met by popular — though perhaps, given the $700 per person ticket price, not populist — acclaim.

 

“I don’t even know the legalities of it,” Klein told Haaretz after the dinner, of the deportation proposal. “I am so frustrated by the horror, the terror almost every day. The streets of Israel are empty, stores are 80 percent down in sales, people aren’t going to the Kotel. This is terrible. We can’t allow them to destroy Israel’s society,” he said, adding that ZOA’s board had not yet approved his idea but he expected it to do so at a meeting later this week. “These are extraordinary times and we need extraordinary measures.”

At the event, which was billed as “ZOA’s Superstar Gala,” actor Jon Voight received the Dr. Miriam & Sheldon Adelson Defender of Israel Award and Israeli Ambassador to the United States Ron Dermer was given the ZOA’s Dr. Bob Shillman Award for Outstanding Diplomacy.

Dermer, in his remarks, called on world governments to wage war against militant Islam and castigated them for not coming to Israel’s defense during the current round of terrorist attacks. “In the past few weeks, 19 Israelis have been killed and some 200 have been wounded in terror attacks. … But rather than support Israel … we hear outrageous statements about a cycle of violence and the need for both sides to act with restraint.”

“Israel stands on the front lines of this great battle … the international community only blames Israel, libels Israel. … Whether or not the world stands with us, we will not be defeated,” Dermer said. “The Jewish people are no longer a stateless, voiceless, powerless people. Today the Jewish people defend themselves,” he said to enthusiastic applause.

Klein, speaking after Dermer, added, “we of ZOA will never be the ‘sha shtil’ [be quiet] Jews of before.”
Klein was born in a displaced persons camp in Germany to parents who survived the Holocaust. He was 4 when the family immigrated to Philadelphia, and spoke only Yiddish, he told Haaretz.

Asked whether he does not feel, particularly in light of his own background, that there is an ethical imperative for the United States to take in refugees, he said: “As a Jew and as a Zionist, why should I want people who hate me to come to America? Especially when a small chunk might commit terrorist acts against my fellow Americans. It’s perfectly rational. No question most of them are not terrorists, but most hate Jews and Israel.

“There are 50 Muslim-majority countries, most of them near Syria. They should be going there. Saudi Arabia hasn’t taken a single Syrian refugee. They should be taking their coreligionists. If there was an Israel during the Holocaust, the Jews would have gone there. They have 50 Muslim Israels.”

Voight, dapper in a tuxedo and fringed yellow scarf, gave a disquisition on Middle East history and made clear that he is a supporter of Greater Israel. Israel “generously gave” back the Gaza Strip to the Palestinians, he said. “It’s no mystery what will happen if they give up Judea and Samaria,” said Voight. A practicing Catholic, the Oscar-winning actor stars in the Showtime series “Ray Donovan” and appears regularly in fundraising telethons for Chabad.
“President Barack Obama has really turned his back on Prime Minister [Benjamin] Netanyahu,” said Voight, who made a campaign video for Netanyahu before the Israeli election in March.

“We really must pray that the 2016 election will bring in a Republican president. I am certain that the people in this room will be instrumental in bringing that about,” he said to cheers and a standing ovation that also brought Sheldon Adelson to his feet. The Republican kingmaker and Netanyahu benefactor entered the banquet hall on a motorized scooter, accompanied by bodyguards and his wife, Dr. Miriam Adelson.

“You have just heard the word of a quintessential defender of Israel,” Adelson told the crowd immediately after Voight spoke.

Yet not all ZOA supporters are ardent Republicans. Susan Presky had come to the gala from her home in the Boston suburb of Newton for the second year in a row. She is a former Democratic voter who, because of what she called the party’s increasing distance from Israel, now considers herself an independent. A lawyer, she backs the ZOA because “this is one of the few organizations that really tells it like it is,” she said. “With all the media bias [against Israel], it’s very important to have a spokesman like Mort Klein.”

The Adelsons are the ZOA’s biggest donors, Klein told Haaretz after dinner, though he wouldn’t divulge how much they give. In 2013, the last year for which tax records are publicly available, the ZOA had just over $5 million in income, compared to just $1.4 million the previous year. Klein demurred when asked how much the gala raised.
More than 200 college students were at the banquet, including some members of Christians United for Israel on their campuses. The students each paid $25 a ticket, with the balance underwritten by donors including Adelson, Mort Zuckerman and James Tisch, Klein later said.

Other speakers included former U.S. Rep. Michele Bachmann, who recently called on Christians to convert as many Jews as possible,  and Israeli Ambassador to the United Nations Danny Danon. Danon quipped that while he’s been in the job just six weeks, “it feels like six years.”

The intention of the current terror “is to make us feel unsafe on our streets. If they are testing our resolve, they will fail,” Danon told the gala attendees. “We will overcome their cruel campaign of stabbings and stonings. The real test is for the international community.”

“There is only one side instigating violence. … Instead of holding Palestinians and [Palestinian] President [Mahmoud] Abbas responsible, the UN responds with more resolutions against Israel. Abbas lies and says Israel plans to make Al-Aqsa Jewish, to incite, he said,” referring to the mosque on Jerusalem’s Temple Mount.

Though last month France initiated an effort to get international observers stationed on the Temple Mount, “we will not allow an international presence on Har Habayit!” Danon said to enthusiastic applause, using the Hebrew term for what Muslims call Haram al-Sharif. Today housing Muslim holy places Al-Aqsa Mosque and the Dome of the Rock, it also the location of both the first and second Temples, and is Judaism’s holiest site.

Had Jonathan Pollard been permitted to attend the banquet — it would have been a public coming-out since his release from federal prison last Friday — he surely would have been given a hero’s welcome. But the terms of his parole include a 7 P.M. to 7 A.M. curfew, movement “restricted to a small part of Manhattan” and constant federal monitoring of his online activity, his attorney Elliot Lauer said at the dinner.

“While he is out of prison, he is not free,” Lauer said. The restrictions “make it impossible for him to celebrate Shabbat or holiday with friends and family, and in effect bar him from any normal employment,” since no employer would want the federal government monitoring their business. A petition was filed on Friday in federal court to challenge the parole restrictions, Lauer said.

Lauer called on the ZOA backers to continue supporting the convicted spy’s quest for full emancipation. “He still needs your support to obtain true freedom,” Lauer said. “Am Israel Hai” [the people of Israel lives].”

Debra Nussbaum Cohen
Haaretz Contributor
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Nov 17 2015

Tension Between J Street U and Federation Head

NEW YORK — At a meeting Sunday that was by turns tense and respectful, J Street U students met with Barry Shrage, president of the Boston Jewish Federation, trying to persuade his organization to distance itself from West Bank Jewish settlements and make clear that the occupation is an obstacle to peace with Palestinians.

At a concurrent event in New York, J Street U students met with leaders of Jewish groups from Philadelphia, part of J Street U’s campaign pushing for Jewish institutional transparency so that donors know if their money is going to support settlements beyond the Green Line.

J Street U Leaders and Barry Shrage
The recent meetings are an indication of a growing dialogue between the Jewish establishment and J Street U, which many Jewish leaders view as instrumental in the fight against BDS on campus. In an exchange of sorts, the students of J Street U have been allowed to voice their objections to occupation and settlements and to present their campaign to prevent communal funds from going over the Green Line.

Two other groups, T’ruah: the Rabbinic Call for Human Rights, and members of the World Zionist Congress, have also recently begun efforts to press for funding transparency on the part of Jewish groups in the U.S. and Israel.
Sunday’s meeting at Harvard Hillel, which involved about 100 J Street U members from around New England, included several respectful but tense moments between student speakers and Barry Shrage, the long-time president of the Boston Jewish federation Combined Jewish Philanthropies (or CJP).

Shrage made clear, at the meeting and in a subsequent interview with Haaretz, that he regards it as a priority to include students in conversations about Israel even if he doesn’t always agree with their thinking.

“The essence of our Federation is engagement and inclusion and we’re particularly interested in our college age students, many of whom are just back from Israel and feeling Jewish for the first time,” he told Haaretz. “We are always open to discussion with our very diverse student population of which J Street is a small part. Of course we won’t compromise our strong support for Israel and we won’t agree to anything that doesn’t make sense.”

At the Boston meeting, Shrage chastised the J Street U students several times for some of the group’s activities but also validated that they are pro-Israel and Zionist, and so deserve a place at the Jewish communal table.

Students at the Boston meeting talked about feeling alienated from the Jewish mainstream because being identified as a Zionist means being implicitly aligned with the Israeli government policy of building new housing for Jews in the West Bank — which J Street views as an obstacle to future peace with the Palestinians.

Concurrently, J Street U students from the Mid-Atlantic region met with leaders of Philadelphia’s Jewish community at Columbia University’s Hillel in New York.

“I can’t tell you how many students have approached me worried they’ll be associated with a set of political beliefs” they don’t agree with if they’re involved with Hillel, said Joanna Kramer, president of Brown University Hillel. “I have learned in my presidency that recognizing the fact that there is an occupation, speaking openly and honestly about these issues” is needed. “I’m wondering what is preventing CJP from doing the same.”

“I don’t know how somebody can feel left out if the president of Brown Hillel is involved in J Street,” said Shrage, without directly answering Kramer’s question about making CJP’s policy more explicit.

“We don’t send money over the Green Line because it’s not the way we spend money,” Shrage said. “We cut our ties with the formal Jewish Agency, we’re disentangled from the government. Most of our overseas money goes to economic development in Haifa.”

Shrage later told Haaretz that CJP shifted the way it funds projects in Israel in the early 1990s. Of the $55.7 million CJP raised last year, about $12 million went to Israel, including travel-related programs, he told Haaretz. Some $3 million went to Haifa, which is CJP’s sister city.

At the Boston meeting, a J Street U member read aloud a letter signed by 800 New England students and sent to CJP. J Street U has also solicited several hundred people, so far, at the organization’s regional meetings and at the recent Jewish Federations of North America General Assembly and the Union for Reform Judaism’s Biennial conference, to sign a postcard calling for transparency.

“While so many of our leaders understand the negative impact of Israel’s continued presence in the West Bank, the organized Jewish community rarely takes leadership on this issue as it does regarding other matters,” J Street U’s letter says.

“In making such a statement, CJP has the opportunity to establish that it is possible to both support Israel and acknowledge that the status quo in the West Bank is simply untenable. Without such a demonstration, groups that aim to delegitimize the entirety of Israel on the basis of its ongoing settlement project only become stronger. At present, settlement expansion puts the future that we strive for in danger.”

Eliana Leaderman-Bray, a senior at University of Massachussets-Amherst and vice president of J Street U’s Northeast region, explained why the group feels it necessary for Jewish federations to take clear positions opposing the Israeli government’s policy of expanding the settlements in the West Bank. “The more the community conflates being pro-Israel with being pro-settlement, sometimes with silence, it leads to some pretty serious alienation,” she told Haaretz. “Those willing to have public conversations around BDS are hesitant to identify with the label ‘pro-Israel’ because it feels like being pro-settlement.”

“Any dissent or criticism of Israel is totally out of the question” in spaces like Hillels, she said. “That’s led students who would potentially be fighting BDS on campus to disassociate with the issue entirely.”
Shrage told students that it is not CJP’s role to convene a community-wide discussion of settlements, though, he said, he and other CJP leaders agree they pose an impediment to peace and “regularly” communicate their perspective to Israeli leaders.

As a Jewish federation “we have a…very delicate role,” he told the students. “We need to be extremely careful about giving advice on matters of life and death and military matters. Where we have a duty to give advice is if the government is pushing Americans away from Israel…. People are worried it provides an excuse and a rationale for anti-Israel activity that perhaps is not in Israel’s interest.”

But, he said, “Israel is a democratic country and they chose their leaders. It’s their country. If they want better leadership it’s up to them to produce better leadership.”

Shrage also chastised J Street U. “J Street should have been a little more careful about the advice it gave during the Gaza War. Sderot was bombed for 8 years before Israel took action. I’m not sure bringing Breaking the Silence around then was a good idea,” he said, referring to the organization of IDF combat veterans who speak against the occupation to student and other groups.

“The world is piling on Israel and you want to be careful not to pile on the lynch mob, which is sometimes what the world looks like,” he told students.

He also criticized the letter they read aloud, noting CJP’s policy of not spending money over the Green Line except for mental health services for traumatized Israelis who live there, just as for those who live in Israel proper.
“Since we don’t currently do any of that stuff it just seems not very meaningful to get involved in that kind of discussion that all of us feel pretty similarly about,” he said.

Nevertheless Shrage, who has been CJP president for 28 years, said, “We will present it to the board for discussion. I will come back and talk to you endlessly about the specific issues that are really at stake here, what’s really going on here.”

He said, at the meeting’s end, “I think you make occasional mistakes that are pretty egregious but I know you think we make mistakes that are pretty egregious, so we can continue talking.”

After the meeting, Shrage told Haaretz, “It’s not quite as simple as what they say…It would be counter-productive to have a big discussion about something that doesn’t exist.”

“Somehow they got it into their collective minds that this has something to do with CJP’s allocation policies, and nothing we say helps them to generally change their minds,” he told Haaretz. “We do nothing that they disagree with. Why this ended up focusing on our allocation policy is sort of a mystery.”

The parallel Sunday meeting in New York included Dan Segal, chair of the Jewish Community Relations Council of Philadelphia and chair of the Philadelphia regional council of The New Israel Fund. Other participants were Rabbi David Straus of Mainline Reform Temple and Rabbi Howard Alpert, CEO of Hillel of Greater Philadelphia.

Out of that meeting came commitments to help the J Street U students secure meetings to discuss funding transparency with the heads of UJA-Federation of New York and the Jewish Federation of Philadelphia, said Samantha Glass, a Rutgers University Junior, who attended.

J Street U declined to discuss who from the federations would participate or when the meetings would take place.
“For a student like me, who’s grown up hearing about the federation and family members who donate, if we are going to continue to be supportive of the federation and other organizations, we want to know where the money’s going,” Glass told Haaretz.

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Nov 04 2015

From West to East: Rabbis Bring California Cool to N.Y.C.

Rabbi Rachel Timoner

Rabbi Rachel Timoner

Rabbi Stefanie Kolin

Rabbi Stefanie Kolin

Being a rabbi in New York City has its perks: Walking to your synagogue, for one thing, instead of sitting in a car commuting two hours a day, as Rabbi Rachel Timoner used to do when she lived in Los Angeles.
Timoner, her wife and their two young sons moved to Brooklyn’s Congregation Beth Elohim this summer from L.A., where she served as associate rabbi at Leo Baeck Temple following her ordination in 2009.
Now Timoner walks her family’s two dogs in leafy Prospect Park before heading a few blocks down brownstone-lined streets to the office. It’s a change she appreciates for multiple reasons.
“You can’t underestimate the significance of being a walking community for synagogue life,” Timoner, a rising star in the Reform movement rabbinate, told Haaretz. Beth Elohim has about 1,000 member households.
“It means that hundreds, if not thousands, of people are in the building every day. It’s actually a lived community center in a way that doesn’t happen in L.A. because you can’t convene as easily. Here I walk down the street and run into congregants everywhere. In a cafe, in the park walking my dogs. It connects us to each other organically. In L.A. the only connections you have [with fellow congregants] are on Friday nights or Saturday mornings,” she says.
Timoner isn’t the only rabbi to move from L.A. to New York over the summer. Central Synagogue, a large Reform congregation in midtown Manhattan, brought in two new rabbis: Stephanie Kolin and Rebecca Rosenthal.
Though both Kolin and Rosenthal are Manhattan natives who spent a few years sojourning in California, all three rabbis bring an L.A.-ish-ness that is equal parts commitment to social justice and openness to the new and experimental, say those who know them.
“In L.A. I learned creativity and flexibility,” Kolin tells Haaretz. “Congregations, rabbis and lay leaders there are open to trying new things.”
One example: A dozen Jewish congregations groups gathered together last Tisha B’Av “to learn, to pray and to strategize on social justice action,” says Kolin, who is also viewed as a rising star of the Reform rabbinate.
“Tisha B’Av is definitely a minor day in most Reform communities,” she notes. “It’s not your usual Reform gathering day.” While traditionally the holiday recalls the destruction of the Temple in Jerusalem, “we reinterpreted it as the modern destruction of our cities, as a way to grieve for what’s broken and hope for what can be built,” says Kolin. “It is an ‘out the box’ way of thinking.”
In L.A. “there’s a large spirit of experimentation and alternate pathways into Jewish connection,” says Esther Kustanowitz, a New York-area native who moved to L.A. in 2008 and is a close friend of Kolin’s. “The pace of life out here is very different,” Kustanowitz, a writer and editorial director of Mayim Bialik’s new website GrokNation says.
“There’s a lot more contemplative, meditative value given to stretching, to silence, to music, that doesn’t always work its way into the frenetic pace of New York City.”
Kolin moved to New York with her wife of one year and is now Central Synagogue’s associate rabbi. In L.A. she was co-director of the Reform movement’s Just Congregations community organizing initiative, and with Timoner founded Reform CA, which brings together 120 Reform rabbis throughout the state to work jointly on matters of common civic concern.
Reform CA had a big recent win, says Timoner. After conducting extensive one-on-one interviews with rabbis and congregants about the California they envision, Reform CA decided to focus on getting a train built to transport people from one end of L.A.’s urban sprawl to the other.
A train would allow both the rich and the poor to cross their city more efficiently, permit domestic and other workers to more easily get to their jobs, get 10,000 cars off the road and reduce pollution, Timoner told Haaretz. Reform CA got major civic stakeholders to sign on, and now a measure to approve the train will be on the city’s 2016 election ballot.
That and other issues addressed by Reform CA, including affordable housing and ending racial profiling by police, “were big successes,” says Timoner. “Reform CA is going strong.”
That social justice focus is part of what both Timoner and Kolin plan to bring to their new congregations.
Rabbi Rebecca Rosenthal, an ordained Conservative rabbi, is Central Synagogue’s new director of youth and family education. She was the director of education at Ikar, the innovative L.A. congregation run by Rabbi Sharon Brous. Rosenthal grew up on the Upper West Side and is glad to be back with her husband and their three young children.
Central has 2,300 member households and a waiting list of those wanting to join.
There are definite differences in approach between synagogues in the two cities, Rosenthal says. “In L.A. people focus a lot on immersive experiences, retreats, doing things with the whole family,” she says. “Maybe it has to do with the weather, but that particular approach hasn’t come to NY quite yet. It feels different here. It feels more chill out in L.A., NY feels more formal, but it’s not just Judaism, it’s everything.”
“There’s a lot of interesting, creative things happening in L.A., and I’m trying to bring some of them to the East Coast. There’s a concentrated Jewish vibe in NY that doesn’t exist in L.A., and I want to take advantage of that,” said Rosenthal. “This is such a Jewish hub.”
“Stephanie and Rebecca actually brought us the best of both coasts since they’ve worked effectively in L.A., with its sense of reinvention and imagination, but both grew up in New York City, with its sense of history and concreteness,” Angela Buchdahl, Central Synagogue’s senior rabbi, tells Haaretz.  “Their transition has been unusually seamless and exciting.”
While she misses her L.A. community, “New York is the place where I understand the rhythm best,” says Kolin, who grew up in Stuyvesant Town on Manhattan’s East side. “My heart beats at the same rhythm the city moves.”
But moving here has brought one new challenge: figuring out what to do with her car now that she no longer needs it.

Debra Nussbaum Cohen
Haaretz Contributor

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Sep 30 2015

Pro-Palestinians Accuse Israel Advocates of Muzzling Campus Dissent

Pro-Israel Demonstration in Times Square 2015

Pro-Israel Demonstration in Times Square 2015

NEW YORK — Two new reports, issued Wednesday by Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) and the Center for Constitutional Rights with Palestine Legal, assert that Jewish Israel advocacy groups are “stifling dissent” and infringing on Israel critics’ right to free speech on college campuses.
“As the movement for Palestinian rights has grown we’ve seen a sharp spike in tactics that attempt to muzzle criticism of Israel,” said Omar Shakir, a staff attorney at the Center for Constitutional Rights and an author of that group’s report, which is titled “The Palestine Exception to Free Speech: A Movement Under Attack in the U.S.”
The 124-page report details what its authors view as the “chilling and censoring of Palestine advocacy” using tactics which include “false and inflammatory accusations of anti-Semitism and support for terrorism.”
Their bulletin, as well as JVP’s 73-page publication, list Israel advocacy groups working on college campuses from Stand With Us and The David Project to the Zionist Organization of America, and detail their strategies.
According to the report, objectionable activities include filing complaints with university administrators and the federal government that anti-Israel speakers are creating hostile environments for Jewish students. The JVP report also rails against “blacklisting professors and launching public campaigns around faculty hires,” like the controversy that surrounded the the hiring and subsequent “un-hiring” of Steven Salaita at the University of Illinois. JVP describes the Israel advocacy moves as “McCarthyite tactics.”
Shakir is one of the attorneys representing Steven Salaita, the virulently anti-Israel professor of American Indian studies who was hired in 2013 by the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign and then had the offer revoked after administrators were inundated with letters from donors, alumni and others. They objected to some of the profanity-laden tweets Salaita had sent out during Israel’s Gaza war, which said “I wish all the f…king West Bank settlers would go missing,” among other things. Salaita is suing the university and its board of trustees to have his job offer reinstated and is seeking monetary damages.

Pro-divestment students salute at the UC Santa Barbara debate.Rabbi Evan Goodman
College campuses have become the prime battleground for the fight for — and against — Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions [BDS], pitching students affiliated with Israel advocacy organizations like Hillel and Stand With Us against those aligned with organizations that run campaigns against Israel, like members of Students for Justice in Palestine and Jewish Voice for Peace.

An anti-Israel protest at Carnegie Mellon University campus in Pittsburgh.AP
Each side’s reports on the other read like intelligence dossiers assembled by warring governments. And in a hall-of-mirrors way, each side accuses the other of precisely the same wrongdoings, like creating campus environments where their students don’t feel safe to speak out.
“The notion that there are pro-Israel groups speaking out against the messages and tactics of anti-Israel groups is true, but that’s also free speech,” said Oren Segal, director of the Anti-Defamation League’s Center on Extremism.
Segal noted that there was an increase, in the last academic year, of both anti-Israel and pro-Israel activity on campuses.
“We anticipate more activity on both sides this year, continued anti-Israel programming, and we’re still concerned about university departments sponsoring anti-Israel activity, which belies what reports say,” said Segal. “If there was really this unified strategy to shut them down they wouldn’t be able to have as many public events as they do.
‘Hollow claims’
“The notion that anyone is being stifled by the organized Jewish community seems a little hollow,” Segal said. “I wonder if it’s another tactic being used by Jewish Voice for Peace and Students for Justice in Palestine to present themselves as victims.”
Hillel, when asked to respond to the charges in the reports, provided this statement:
“Hillel is proud to be a pro-Israel organization committed to free speech on campus and robust and respectful discussions about Israel, whether they occur at Hillel or elsewhere,” said Matthew Berger, spokesman for Hillel International.
JVP’s report, “Stifling Dissent: How Israel’s Defenders Use False Charges of Anti-Semitism to Limit The Debate Over Israel on Campus” states: “For years, under the banner of defending Israel, advocacy organizations have launched attacks against those who advocate for Palestinian rights and express political criticism of Israel, often deploying spurious charges of anti-Jewish bigotry, shutting down conversations, and policing the boundaries of legitimate Jewish identity and acceptable debate. Seeing campuses as a ‘battleground,’ they have helped shape problematic definitions of anti-Semitism in order to limit open debate on college campuses, and intimidate students, faculty, and administrators. The intent of these silencing tactics is to shut down conversation before it can even begin, limiting the range of political inquiry, expression and debate on campuses.”
“We are hoping the report will be educational,” said Tallie Ben Daniel, JVP’s Academic Advisory Council coordinator. She told Haaretz that her group currently has a presence on over 100 college campuses. “Official Jewish communal organizations advocate for Israel to be a Jewish value so some Jewish students are being excluded. We see this as a way to stifle dissent.
“More and more Jewish college students are critical of Israel and question the official narrative Israel promotes. People are shutting down discussion of Israel and producing a kind of litmus test for Jewish students – either you’re advocating for Israel or you’re not part of the community. We find this offensive,” said Ben Daniel.
Decision makers like university administrators are “often presented with complaints and asked to silence or muzzle criticism of Israel and Palestinian rights organizing,” CCR’s Shakir told Haaretz. “We want those involved to understand that their activities are protected. The report’s purpose is to document an increasing trend of Israel advocacy organizations suppressing First Amendment speech,” Shakir said, meaning speech protected by the U.S. Constitution.
His organization, which spun off its Palestine-focused department 3 years ago into a separate organization now called Palestine Legal, lists Israel advocacy organizations and includes a 31-page appendix in which dozens of incidents from Brooklyn College to UCLA are catalogued.
Jacob Baime, executive director of the Israel on Campus Coalition, took issue with the claims that they are stifling free speech. “These accusations from fringe anti-Israel groups are patently false,” Baime told Haaretz. “The pro-Israel movement supports free speech for all and is working toward an equitable two-state solution for Israelis and Palestinians. If JVP and Palestine Legal had their way, the Jewish State of Israel would not exist. These claims represent the height of hypocrisy coming from groups that seek to silence pro-Israel speech and undermine efforts to promote coexistence.”
“This is just a pile of the same recycled rubbish we’ve seen from them over and over again,” said Kenneth Marcus, president of the Louis D. Brandeis Center for Civil Rights Under Law, a Washington-based group. “Any time Jewish students try to assert their rights these groups come up and try to intimidate and silence them.”
The battle on law campuses
The organizations that have put out the reports “are obsessive about Israel, are well funded and have lawyered up,” said Marcus, who noted that anti-Israel groups, particularly Students for Justice in Palestine, have become active on law school campuses as well.
The Brandeis Center has just expanded its activities onto 16 law school campuses in response to SJP’s activity there, said Marcus, but there isn’t much other pro-Israel activity there. “Those who care about Jewish students have to catch up,” he said.
“The anti-Israel activists are already there and have a head start on some law school campuses. If we are not being forcefully pro-active, we will end up playing defense against these organizations, and it’s never good to be in a defensive posture.
“Some of these law students will become state legislators, judges and members of Congress,” Marcus added. “Law schools produce some of the most influential members of American society. If we win the battle on undergraduate campuses but lose in law schools, then we’re dead.”
Roz Rothstein, CEO of Stand With Us, an Israel advocacy organization based in L.A., said the reports amount to harassment of Jewish groups.
“They are harassing the pro-Israel community,” she told Haaretz. “These reports have a very manipulative undertone. These two reports are just hypocritical and typical of the standards of the BDS movement, which is a continuation of the Arab boycott against the Jewish state.
“They will invoke universal values when it suits their moral agenda but throw them out the window when it comes to protecting the rights of Israelis and Jews,” Rothstein said. “That hypocrisy is the standard for the BDS movement.”
“It’s a continuing battle of ideas. Most of the pro-Israel organizations out there just want to present Israel in a fair and balanced light,” said the ADL’s Segal. Segal said that the creation of the two reports — each of which took more than two years to produce, according to their organizations —“just speaks to the notion that we need more of that.”
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Sep 24 2015

After Iran Deal, Vitriol Reigns as U.S. Jews Struggle to Move Forward

NYS Assemblyman Dov HikindJonathan Greenblatt:ADLAt Jewish federations coast to coast, donors threatened to pull funding

if group didn’t take the right public position.

NEW YORK — It’s “the day after” a bruising fight in the Jewish community over the Iran nuclear deal — a debate marked by vitriol and vituperation. Reactions have often been hair-trigger fast and the language painful. While Jewish federations in communities around the country have grappled with what if any position to take, some have faced pressure from major donors who wanted them to come out on one side or the other.
Politicians like Rep. Jerrold Nadler of New York, who backed the powers’ agreement with Tehran, have been called traitors to the Jewish people and Israel. Others like Rep. Ted Deutch of Florida, who opposed it — as Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu strongly urged — have been accused of warmongering and dual loyalty. Both men are Jews, Democrats and longtime Israel supporters.
“Many people are using very strong language like fratricide and civil war,” Rabbi Melissa Weintraub told Haaretz. Weintraub is codirector of Resetting the Table, which trains people to facilitate intra-Jewish dialogue about Israel across political divisions. “The level of escalation is unprecedented and shows the lack of communal capacity to engage effectively across those divides.”

Rabbi Melissa Weintraub of Resetting the Tablecourtesy Melissa Weintraub, Resetting the Table
Alan Solow is what anyone would call a macher. He’s a Chicago attorney, former chairman of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations and a close friend of Obama. Solow has worked 35 years as a volunteer in Jewish organizations and is currently vice chairman of the board of the Jewish Federation of Metropolitan Chicago.
While Solow felt his federation shouldn’t take a position on the Iran deal — that doing so was outside its purview — a majority of its board members voted to oppose the agreement. Now he’s worried about the backlash against those who supported it.
“It was a mistake for many of the opponents of the deal to characterize one’s position on this as a litmus test as to whether one is pro-Israel or not …. It threatens to do serious damage to the Jewish community and our unity,” Solow said.
Today leaders of Jewish groups are eager to move forward and help the community coalesce around the implementation of the Iran deal, but deep differences remain about what “moving ahead” means.
That’s because the Iran debate illuminated, as well as exacerbated, a deep polarization. It “placed a temporary spotlight on longstanding differences,” said Ethan Felson, senior vice president and counsel to the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, the umbrella group for local Jewish community relations councils.
Jonathan Greenblatt has been on the job as the national director of the Anti-Defamation League for just a few weeks. Though he’s a beltway veteran, having served as an Obama administration official, he found the tenor of the Jewish communal conflict eye-opening.
“I was struck not just by the passion but the incivility,” he said. “Nasty ad hominem attacks. Accusations of lack of loyalty, which is troubling.”
The ADL, which came out against the Iran deal, is now “trying to articulate this look toward the day after,” Greenblatt said. “Now the day after is here. It’s where having a shared agenda is really critical to the path forward.”
Irresponsible assertions
Other Jewish groups are also beginning to look ahead.
On Monday the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations called for “focus on our shared objectives.” Executive Vice President Malcolm Hoenlein and Chairman Stephen Greenberg decried that “at times the debate was marked by irresponsible assertions.” The introduction to their statement, however, blames “the media” for “attempts to portray the Jewish community as engaged in acrimonious debates and searing divisions.”

 

Fifty-three organizations signed the statement, which calls on the government to find “ways to eliminate existing and anticipated vulnerabilities arising from the implementation of the [Iran deal]. The President and Congress must work together to ensure that U.S. policy prevents Iran from ever acquiring a nuclear weapon, and reinforce this message with concrete measures, unmistakable to allies and adversaries alike.”
Hoenlein, who has led the Conference for 29 years, has as long a historical memory as anyone. Other issues have stoked more internal conflict than the Iran deal, he said, like Israel’s 2005 withdrawal from Gaza. That resulted in “a lot of raw feelings.”
But this time everyone is essentially on the same side — opposition to Iran obtaining a nuclear capability, so at a meeting of the membership last week focusing on the Iran issue, “people were cooperative and collaborative.” There is no current need for internal repair work, Hoenlein said. Conference members are “working together like before.”
Still, other organizations and local communities have faced a different picture.
In Jewish federations from coast to coast some major donors threatened to pull their funding if their local federation didn’t issue a statement to their liking, said several people close to the Jewish Federations of North America.
The JFNA declined to make President and CEO Jerry Silverman, or anyone else from the umbrella for 151 Jewish federations, available for an interview on the topic.
In Chicago there was “vigorous, healthy discussion” over the Iran deal, Solow said. Since publishing an article in Jewish newspapers defending Obama’s pro-Israel record, Solow’s loyalty to Israel has been questioned. In comments on that pieced he was attacked as a “court Jew” and, in Yiddish, “a butt licker,” among other choice phrases. Solow said he ignores the comments.
Similar rhetoric that turns Israel into a partisan issue will take a toll over time, Solow said. “Though there weren’t resignations … [at the Chicago federation] it doesn’t mean there aren’t hard feelings and resentment over the things that have been said,” he said. Solow wants to see leaders of Jewish organizations “reach across party lines” to ensure that all people know their commitment is valued.
Virtually all leaders seem to agree that reconciliation is needed. Earlier this month, the JFNA’s Silverman emailed a strongly worded message on conflict resolution in the Jewish community to people across the federation world.
“How do we build bridges in our communities? Many places were torn by one of the most complex issues facing North American Jewry in generations,” Silverman wrote.
“After great introspection,” 39 federations expressed apprehension about the nuclear agreement and 25 opposed it, he wrote. Conflict resolution will be a focus at the umbrella group’s general assembly in November, Silverman said, and urged people to resolve conflicts in their local federations.
Fractured unity
Silverman addressed donors’ threats to pull funding, not to mention the harsh language.
“We must stand together against retribution. Withdrawing a Federation gift that feeds the hungry, sends kids to camp and provides solace to Holocaust survivors over the Iran issue? That is indeed retribution,” he said.
“And it is contrary not only to our mission as a community, but to the precepts of Jewish law upon which our existence depends. I would also add that vitriolic condemnation of Israeli and American leaders — and each other — is an imprudent way to handle situations like this one.”
Rep. Nadler of New York knows this kind of vitriol first hand. When he decided to cautiously back the Iran deal, he was attacked by members of the Orthodox community in part of his district in Brooklyn. He was called a traitor to the Jewish people and a kapo — a prisoner during the Holocaust who supervised other Jews’ slave labor.
“Jewish unity has been fractured,” Nadler told Haaretz. “There are certain parts of the community that are very angry and have an absolute moral certitude that the Iran deal can only be disastrous for Israel. There’s a great bitterness and the desire among some for vengeance.”
As Nadler put it, “There has to be some soul searching by some people. Two of the great Jewish sins in Judaism are lashon horah [slander] and sinat chinam [baseless hatred], and there was a lot of that. People whose careers are devoted to Israel-American relations are suddenly accused of being traitors — that kind of poisonous rhetoric. It’s a great sin and we need to move forward.”
New York State Assemblyman Dov Hikind, whose district overlaps with Nadler’s in heavily Orthodox neighborhoods Borough Park and Flatbush, has been leading the charge. Hikind bused in constituents to protest outside Nadler’s lower Manhattan office in a vehicle bearing a banner saying that the ayatollah now thanks the United States.
After Nadler told Haaretz about hurt feelings and the ADL issued a statement condemning the language of Nadler’s critics, Hikind sarcastically sent the congressman a stuffed teddy bear and sympathy card.
This week, Hikind told Haaretz that until the Iran deal came up, he and Nadler were friends. Asked if he regrets any of his attacks on Nadler, Hikind said, “I have no regrets about anything I said. I have regrets that I didn’t do more.”
Nadler’s behavior is “so preposterous and childish. The whining that has gone on from him,” Hikind said.
“I heard one major leader say ‘there are certain things you cannot forgive,’ and he was talking about Jerry Nadler. It was music to my ears,” said Hikind, who’s a Democrat but is working to get more Republicans elected to Congress and, he hopes, the White House. In any case, Nadler is “a crybaby,” Hikind said. “The kvetching, I can’t believe it.”
It’s rhetoric like this — and similar things heard in other local communities — that reflects the need for much more intensive training so that Jews can disagree on Israel-related matters without attacking each other, said Weintraub Resetting the Table. Her group, which is hosted by the Jewish Council for Public Affairs, has seen “a big spike” in demand for its services since the Iran deal was announced on July 14. It’s now working to triple its staff of facilitators.
“I’ve seen a desire to get the community back on track. The intention for healing is there,” Weintraub said. But what’s happening is “fatigue and papering over divisions without thoughtfully addressing them. Many communities and institutions were torn apart by this and want to recover quickly. But the real healing and transformation won’t come without doing the work.”

read more: http://www.haaretz.com/jewish/.premium-1.677329

Oct 10 2012

Crown Heights Crowds Bring Joy, Tensions

For the Jewish holidays, thousands descend on the Brooklyn neighborhood that was home to the late Lubavitcher rebbe to be close to his spirit. Year-round residents are generous hosts and the guests behave themselves – for the most part.

 

A few hours before Shabbat during Sukkot, Nachum Markowitz is in the managers’ office at Raskin’s fruit store in Crown Heights, frantically trying to source enormous quantities of fruits and vegetables to feed the thousands of visiting Lubavitchers who have no place to eat.

Markowitz has parked four refrigerated trucks outside 770 Eastern Parkway, the Chabad movement’s headquarter synagogue, known as “770,” with a fifth truck on skids nearby. Breakfast – orange juice, chocolate milk, cereal – was served earlier today from crates stacked on the sidewalk. An expected delivery with produce for meals on Shemini Atzeret and Simchat Torah hasn’t yet arrived, so he’s trying to scare up alternatives. “How much is the bananas? How much is the grapes? How much is the tomatoes? You have 50, 60 cases? Okay so make me a price. I need two skids of bananas,” he says to the distributor on the phone.

Markowitz is spending more than $100,000 to feed the faithful between Yom Kippur and Simchat Torah, following instructions he received when he sought a blessing from the late Lubavitcher rebbe 31 years ago. The blessings continue through him, he told Haaretz. And he promises miracles to his funders in return. “I was zoiche (merited) to get an answer from the rebbe that I should be able to bless other people,” he says, claiming that he has been able to bring babies to the infertile and a groom to one funder’s aging daughter.

But more than blessings is involved in hosting the huge influx of Tishrei visitors. Between 3,000 and 7,000 people from out of town stay in Crown Heights during the holiday period, said Eli Cohen, executive director of the Crown Heights Jewish Community Council. Others put the number as high as 10,000.

While most of the community’s roughly 20,000 Chabad residents open up their homes to visitors, countless other guests stay in illegal dormitories set up in the gym of the large yeshiva across the street from the synagogue and in people’s basements. Some teenagers sleep inside 770. Even from federal prison in upstate New York, convicted felon Sholom Rubashkin is hosting people: he had 150 people staying in the basement of his family’s home, said one Crown Heights source.

The fire department raided several such dormitories just before Sukkot, evicting 120 young men from the yeshiva gym, where they slept on mattresses on the floor, and 170 more from a nearby basement, where they had been “living in the cellar in wooden makeshift bunk beds in unsanitary conditions,” a fire department official told reporters on September 28. “It’s a definite hazard.”

Guests were allowed to return to the yeshiva gym after the school made proper fire safety provisions and paid city fines for the violations. But those ousted from basements could not return, and “were distributed to various other locations,” Cohen said.

Visitors, many of them teenagers and young adults, come from all over the world, most from Israel it seems. Many arrive without a place to stay, much money or knowing where they will eat.

“There’s no place in the world that takes 10,000 people without any reservations, any money, and has a place for everyone,” said Rosalynn Malamud, who has lived next door to 770 for more than five decades. “It’s a marvelous scene.”

There is a longstanding tradition of Hasidim wanting to be close to their rebbes for the holidays. Tens of thousands of Breslov Hasidim travel to Uman, Ukraine, where their dead rebbe is interred, to be near him for Rosh Hashana.

Crown Heights attracts such a large number of Lubavitchers because it “is where the iconic 770 – the original – is, and they can feel the presence of their absent leader more,” said Samuel Heilman, co-author of “The Rebbe: The Life and Afterlife of Menachem Mendel Schneerson.” (Princeton University Press, 2010). “Every young Chabadnik who comes of age needs to make a pilgrimage to this holy place.” As in Uman, he said, “the Rebbe is absent and present at once.”

But the influx has also created friction with Jewish locals. The women’s section inside 770 has far too little room for those trying to squeeze into the balcony, hidden from men by one-way glass. Israeli visitors — and some locals — have been accused of pushing and shoving. So local women this year divided the women’s section into four parts: one for Israelis, one for women from France, one for other holiday visitors and one for older permanent residents of the neighborhood.

While many young visitors come only to spend time in the rebbe’s community, others also come to Brooklyn for a good time. Four young Israeli men, none of whom spoke any English or possessed a driver’s license, but all wearing yarmulkes emblazoned with the words identifying them as “meshichists,” who believe that the late Lubavitcher rebbe is the messiah, borrowed a car the night before Sukkot and went for a joy ride. About a mile from Crown Heights, they crashed head-on into a parked garbage truck, destroying the car. No one was hurt or arrested, according to New York City Police Department spokesman Det. Joseph Cavitolo. The driver was given a summons.

The period culminates with frenetic dancing by thousands of men and boys on the blocked-off streets of the neighborhood’s main thoroughfare, Kingston Avenue, during Sukkot nights. From 10 P.M. until the wee hours, the streets are filled with live music and dancers filled with energy and joy, all organized by Rabbi Yisroel Shemtov, who has been doing this for 33 years.

Visitors “come because they want to be in the place where the rebbe is doing what he has been doing all of his life and is still, from wherever he is,” Shemtov said. “This is our holiest place.”

Sep 22 2012

Why Don’t Conservative Movement Girls Wear Kippot?

Eons ago, it seems, when Boychik was in elementary school and not the towering young man he is today, we went to a Camp Ramah parlor meeting to get a feel for the camp where we expected to send him for his first overnight summer experience. It seemed like an obvious fit. We belong to a Conservative shul and Boychik attended a Jewish day school. Since Ramah is the Conservative movement’s network of camps, it would be a place where he could continue engaging with Jewish values and skills — while playing gaga.

After the camp’s director gave his presentation, I asked if campers were expected to wear yarmulke, and for those over 13, tallit and tefillin. I was surprised when the director said that boys are. Full stop. No mention of girls. So I asked about girls. He deflected, and I asked again. Girls may wear the ritual items if they wish, he said, but they are not required to. When I asked why, he said because Conservative Judaism is a pluralistic movement and not everyone comes from an egalitarian home or synagogue. This was from the director of a camp not in the South or in Canada, where you might expect conservative attitudes from Conservative rabbis, but from the camp designated for New York City-area kids.

That early experience with Camp Ramah came to mind when reading this recent piece by Rabbi Elyssa Joy Auster, who discussed her surprise that the girls at a different Ramah camp were neither interested in wearing kippot nor expected to.

Little seems to have changed in the years since the Camp Ramah parlor meeting. There is much that Ramah camps do well, including teaching Hebrew and engendering a love for Israel. But modeling ideal religious behavior is also part of the job of the Conservative movement’s camps — even if that means managing expectations of parents who might object to their daughters wearing kippah, tallit or tefillin.

Unfortunately, there is still a high degree of ambivalence in the Conservative movement about Jewish women’s observance of these ritual customs. Rabbi Auster goes so far as to say that it reflects a lack of support for women as religious leaders and for developing female lay leadership. Perhaps that’s true. I’m not sure, but I do know that when the ambivalence is transmitted from the top, it’s not going to change.

The camp Ramah website says:

The current mission of Ramah is to create educating
communities in which people learn to live committed Jewish
lives, embodying the ideals of Conservative Judaism.

 

I would argue that both women and men wearing kippah, tallit and tefillin embodies the ideals of Conservative Judaism, of passion for observance and an understanding of our rituals. Are there challenges facing the movement’s leaders at least as pressing as this one? Certainly — starting with articulating why someone should choose to be a Conservative Jew. But I see this as part and parcel of the overall challenge facing the movement, and the response ought to include articulating and modeling all of the reasons that it makes sense to identify as Conservative Jews, living wholly as Jews and wholly in the modern world. Teaching attachment to the ritual objects that are part of living embodied Jewish lives is part of that process.

Read more: http://blogs.forward.com/sisterhood-blog/161520/why-dont-girls-wear-kippahs-at-camp-ramah/#ixzz27DQEx5FJ

Jun 17 2012

New URJ Prez Installed At Time of Challenge for Reform

By Debra Nussbaum Cohen

Rabbi Richard Jacobs

Rabbi Rick Jacobs designed the ceremony that installed him as president of the Union for Reform Judaism to broadcast his vision of what the Reform movement — the largest denomination in American Jewish life — should be.

Rabbis and cantors led songs by Orthodox Rabbi Shlomo Carlebach and by Reform folksinger Debbie Friedman at the June 9 event. A 100-member gospel choir sang and got most people in the packed sanctuary on their feet and swaying. The choir came from Greater Centennial A.M.E. Zion Church in Mt. Vernon, N.Y., near Westchester Reform Temple in Scarsdale, N.Y., where Jacobs was the rabbi for 20 years. The new president of the Reform youth movement, an 18-year-old biracial man, chantedf the week’s Torah portion.

Choreographer Liz Lerman led “sacred movement,” reflecting Jacobs’s commitment to the arts and his past as a member of a modern dance troupe. And the ceremony was held at Brooklyn’s Congregation Beth Elohim, a synagogue recently revived by its rabbi and viewed as cutting edge, rather than at one of the Reform old-establishment congregations in Manhattan.

Throughout his installation, Jacobs wore a tallit made from cloth he purchased in Chad, where he visited Darfuri refugee camps with American Jewish World Service several years ago.

While the installation marked the ceremonial start of Jacobs’s time at the helm of URJ, it has been a year since his appointment was announced and six months since he started working there. He immediately restructured the 139-year-old organization, eliminating about 20 positions and shrinking the board of directors. He also changed the board’s mandate and overhauled the organization’s business model.

These are dramatic changes meant to turn around a denomination that is, like the Conservative movement, aging and facing challenges both financial and existential.

“You can be serious about your Judaism and not necessarily affiliated with a synagogue” today, Jacobs said in an interview with the Forward a few days before his installation. “The greatest challenge is creating a Reform movement that is nimble and responsive to all that’s changing in the wider Jewish community and at the same time really anchoring the center,” he said. “We are realigning our priorities to meet those challenges, to have a very clear sense of the timeless as well as the timely. It’s very dangerous to sit and hold on to the status quo, which religious denominations are usually quite good at.”

His biggest challenge may be reversing his denomination’s contraction. The number of URJ-affiliated synagogues has shrunk to 877 today from 909 in 2005, according to Rabbi Daniel Freelander, the URJ’s senior vice president. Some have closed and others have merged. One of the largest, Wilshire Boulevard Temple in Los Angeles, resigned from the URJ last year to protest leadership it saw as unwieldy and ineffective.

An increased number of URJ congregations are struggling financially and paying less in dues to be members of the URJ than they did several years ago. Moreover, they are slower to pay them, Freelander said.

Even Reform Jews who are affiliated seldom attend services and often quit membership as soon as their youngest child becomes a bar or bat mitzvah.

Studies show that Reform synagogue membership overall is aging and fewer young people are joining. There are nearly three times as many people older than 65 in Reform synagogues as there are young adults, according to a 2010 study by the Berman Jewish Policy Archive and the North American Jewish Data Bank.

In his installation speech, Jacobs acknowledged the magnitude of the problem. “Unless we change our approach, there is little chance that many Jews in their 20s and 30s will even enter the revolving door of synagogue affiliation,” he said.

Jacobs was one of the leading members of the Rabbinic Vision Initiative, a group of Reform rabbis that in 2009 publicly criticized the direction and management of the URJ.

The URJ is now focusing on three areas: engaging youth, trying to get congregations to change to better attract participants and members, and helping congregations with what he calls “extending the circles of our responsibility” between Reform Jews and the rest of the Jewish community, including Israel.

But the Reform movement’s longtime emphasis on personal autonomy when it comes to observance of Jewish traditions and practices may make that an insurmountable challenge, observers said.

“The autonomous chickens have come home to roost,” said Rabbi Jeffrey Salkin, an author and the spiritual leader of Temple Israel in Columbus, Ga., “and now people have said, ‘Why do I need to be a member of a synagogue at all?’”

According to Steven Cohen, director of the Berman Jewish Policy Archive at New York University, Reform Judaism’s paradox is that its success has led to its struggles.

 

Read the rest of this article here: http://forward.com/articles/157814/nod-to-change-as-jacobs-takes-urj-reins/?p=all#ixzz1y3791z7T

Jun 08 2012

Having My Daughter Take on Tefillin

Girlchik and friends

By Debra Nussbaum Cohen

Shortly before Boychik’s bar mitzvah, which was a few years back, his zeyde bought him tefillin. I have sweet photos of my (Haredi) father-in-law showing him how to put them on for the first time.

At the time, we were well aware that the scene would not be repeated with Girlchik as she prepared for her bat mitzvah. When asked if he would get her a set to mark the occasion, Zeyde laughed and said, “let her use Boychik’s.”

Now, tefillin is not something that I think Girlchik is likely to regularly use. It’s not something she sees me use, since I’ve never tried them. And while Girlchik does see adult women, as well as men, wearing tefillin during morning minyan at her Jewish day school, it is not required of post-bat mitzvah girls. Or boys, for that matter.

As I learned from interviews for this article about women and tefillin, requiring it as part of Jewish education seems key to it becoming standard practice. And since it is rarely required of girls, and done by fairly few adult women, it doesn’t seem likely to become a routine practice any time soon.

But then again, few Jews feel confident getting up in front of a congregation to lead services or to chant from a sefer Torah, and these are skills I am determined my children master. I want Girlchik, as well as her brother and sister, to know how to access everything in Jewish literature and practice, and don’t want tefillin to be an exception just because I’m not familiar with it. I want them to feel that these traditions are theirs, that they have ownership of these things that can seem intimidating but are their birthright as members of the Jewish people. I don’t want them to feel as if they are not up to the task of some the more challenging practices, as I do.

Girlchik’s being called to the Torah for the first time, at school the Thursday before her bat mitzvah, was the perfect moment for her to learn how to lay tefillin. The teacher leading morning minyan wisely approached her along with two girlfriends who had recently become bat mitzvah, and, with the wheels greased with the promise of chocolate kisses, they agreed to learn how to wrap them over their arms and around their heads. Their teacher — a woman — showed them how. It was a deeply gratifying sight (one I immortalized in photos, annoying the heck out of my daughter as a member of the “mamarazzi.”)

I don’t know that Girlchik will make wearing tefillin — or davening, for that matter — part of her daily practice as she moves through adolescence and into adulthood.

But at least I know that she will have the skills to do so.

Read the comments here: http://blogs.forward.com/sisterhood-blog/157449/why-our-daughters-should-learn-to-use-tefillin/#ixzz1xDOW4MhR

May 29 2012

Lending Tefillin, But Only to Women

Molly Moses in tefillin

by Debra Nussbaum Cohen

When Molly Moses graduated from Harvard University in 2011, she wanted to pray each day wearing tefillin. But she couldn’t afford the several hundred dollar investment required to buy a pair of the leather-covered boxes, which contain tiny parchments with handwritten Torah verses. Moses had borrowed tefillin from friends in the past; now she wanted her own set.

She had heard of organizations that lend free tefillin, but knew they would lend only to men. “Once, I called a place and they assumed that I was getting them for a child, for a bar mitzvah,” she recalled.

Then Moses discovered the Women’s Tefillin Gemach, an organization that lends donated tefillin to women — and only to women — for six months at a time.

Having her own set of tefillin has helped her in her daily prayer practice. “I would feel not as complete in my observance were I not able to daven with tefillin,” said Moses, 22, who will begin full-time Torah study at Manhattan’s Yeshivat Hadar in September. Since each pair is handmade and a different size, “it gives me a great opportunity to see how I feel with a certain type of tefillin.”

The Women’s Tefillin Gemach appears to be the only organization that lends tefillin to women. The term gemach is a contraction of the Hebrew words gemilat chasadim, or “giving kindness,” and usually describes a free loan society. Jen Taylor Friedman, a ritual scribe, founded the organization in 2007. “People kept giving me old sets of tefillin, and [other women] were asking me if I knew where they might borrow tefillin,” said Friedman, whose work as a scribe involves making and checking tefillin as well as writing Torah scrolls and wedding contracts.

Friedman’s student, Alexandra Casser, now runs the effort.

Most of the tefillin comes from rabbis, many of them Conservative, who while cleaning up their synagogues find a dozen or more sets that someone tucked away decades ago and forgot about. “The tefillin might still be kosher, but their congregants who want to try it out can usually buy their own,” Casser said.

So the rabbis send them to the Gemach, where Friedman and Casser carefully check the parchments for damage: If moisture gets inside the tefillin, the ink on the tiny documents can crack and fall off. Stitches on the leather exterior can come undone. Over time, the black dye on the leather boxes can wear off, and their square edges can become rounded. All these flaws need correcting before tefillin can be restored to kosher status, Casser said, and some just aren’t salvageable.

The Gemach has lent tefillin to a couple of dozen women in total, Friedman said, and it currently has six sets out on loan. Women who borrow tefillin can either return them at the end of the six months or send the Gemach an inexpensive set to replace them. “I would love it if people took more advantage of the service,” Casser said.

But tefillin use has not taken hold among women in the liberal denominations, the Gemach’s primary market, the way wearing a prayer shawl, or tallit, and yarmulke have. One reason may be that they are used only during weekday worship, and relatively few women attend daily minyan.

There is also something about tefillin, which involve wrapping leather straps around the arm and head to attach the boxes, that “is so male connected that it’s hard to work through,” said Anne Lapidus Lerner, an emerita member of the faculty at the Jewish Theological Seminary, home to one of two Conservative rabbinical schools in the United States.

“I had a lot of trouble doing it, initially,” said Lerner, who has owned her own set since 1984. “It took me a long time to figure out that it’s not gendered, but it’s Jewish, so it can be mine, too.”

Lerner had expected wearing tefillin to become common practice among women in the Conservative movement once the denomination made the decision, in 1983, to ordain women as rabbis. It didn’t. “I had foolishly anticipated that there would be no question about it,” she said.

“Davening every day in tefillin is not the practice of all men, so that just makes it harder,” Lerner said.

Changing that, she said, would have to begin with rabbis, schools and camps requiring girls of bat mitzvah age to wear tefillin.

Years ago, Lerner was a scholar-in-residence at a Conservative synagogue in Kalamazoo, Mich. “I went to minyan there Sunday morning,” she said. “There were a lot of teenagers there at that minyan, and boys and girls were all in tefillin. When I asked why, the rabbi said, ‘It’s the rule here.’ That made all the difference.”

Lerner said she finds the practice personally rewarding. “It’s a way of starting the day with an act of physical closeness to God,” she said.

But as it did for her, the idea of wearing tefillin during prayer takes some getting used to for most women.

Moses grew up in a Reform-affiliated family and had never seen anyone, male or female, praying in tefillin until she was a Harvard student and encountered it at the Hillel Conservative minyan. When she first saw it, “I remember it looking alien. There was something about it that was off-putting.”

She overcame that feeling as “part of accepting Halacha [Jewish law], the yoke of heaven, upon myself,” she said.

When her six-month lending period with the Gemach tefillin is up, Moses plans to pay for another set to give to the Gemach and to keep the tefillin to which she has grown attached.

“I’ve built a bond with this particular pair,” she said. “Because I know that they were once someone else’s, it would feel rude to just toss them off. It almost feels as if they’ve done me a favor. I feel good when I’m wearing this pair.”

Debra Nussbaum Cohen is a Forward contributing editor.

Read more: http://forward.com/articles/156814/tefillin-for-women-by-women/#ixzz1wG4DY9UU

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